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Economic Depressions
Contents
Panic of 1873
> Depression of 1893
> Great Depression (1930s)
Great Depression (1930s)
Economic Collapse
Most historians mark the beginning
of the Great Depression by the crash of the New York Stock Exchange
in October of 1929, but the effects of the depression were being
felt on the Lower East Side even before the crash. increased unemployment,
families moving in with one another to save money, or taking in
boarders, or moving to cheaper apartments altogether, and increased
appeals for aid were a harbinger of hard times to come.
New York City was one of the hardest hit areas of the country
during the Great Depression. By March 1930, there were fifty bread
lines on the Lower East Side alone, serving 50,000 meals a day
to the hungry. By 1932, half of New York's manufacturing plants
were closed, one in every three New Yorkers was unemployed, and
roughly 1.6 million were on some form of relief. The city was
unprepared to deal with this crisis. Abandonment of women and
children by husbands and fathers increased 134 % during the first
few years of the crisis. Vacancy rates nearly doubled as the number
of people with money to pay rent plummeted. Privately funded mutual
aid societies, the first defense for most Lower East Siders, collapsed
under the stress. The number of mutual aid societies on the Lower
East Side dropped from 6,000 in 1920 to 2,000 in 1938, in part
because of out migration. In addition, 400 private social services
institutions - one-third of such agencies in the city - closed
their doors within the first three years of the crisis.
Fiorello
La Guardia and New York's New Deal
Fiorello La Guardia was elected mayor
of New York in 1933 on a fusion ticket supported by upper-class
Republicans and liberals interested in honest and efficient government,
"new" immigrants - especially Italians, some elements
of organized labor, and the working class in general. He was the
first Italian-American, indeed the first descendant of Southern
or Eastern European immigrants ever elected mayor of New York
City. Once in office, he appointed Jews, Italians, as well as
Blacks, to important positions in unprecedented numbers, often
displacing the Irish who had previously dominated the city government.
La Guardia's success at reviving New York City from the depression
was largely a result of his close relationship with President
Roosevelt. Faced with the imminent financial collapse of America's
cities, FDR decided to come to their aid with federal funds. This
was the first time the national government had funneled money
and jobs into cities, but Roosevelt's "New Deal" was
a time of many changes.
The Civil Works Administration (CWA) was the first federal assistance
program to offer federal grants directly to municipalities. LaGuardia
pursued these funds with a passion. By the time he took office,
New York City had already captured 20% of the jobs offered by
the CWA. Four thousand projects employed 200,000 workers during
the three-month-long program. Furthermore, studies found New York
City's CWA program to be the most honestly managed and effective
in the country.
La Guardia also competed aggressively for PWA (Public Works Administration)
and other federal funds. By 1935, New York City was capturing
one-seventh of the federal outlay for relief. In addition, it
was the only city allowed to administer its own WPA (Works Progress
Administration) program, generating another 200,000 jobs.
See also: Public
Assistance/New Deal.
Public
Housing and Slum Clearance
Soon after taking office, LaGuardia
set up the NYCHA (New York City Housing Authority) to deal with
the problem of slums and provide public housing. NYCHA immediately
began searching for a demonstration project to show Washington
that it could produce decent, affordable housing at a reasonable
price. The Lower East Side, one of the most notorious slum districts
in the world, seemed like the perfect place. Ninety percent of
the residential buildings were at least 35 years old, more than
50% lacked central heating and toilets in the apartments, and
one in six still had no hot water. After obtaining a piece of
land on Third Street between Avenue A and Second Avenue, the city
tore down some of the worst structures, renovated others, and
built a few new buildings. The development was called First Houses
because it was the first government-sponsored low-income housing
development in the nation's history.
Rents in First Houses were, on average, a little more than $6
per room per month (or just over $18 for a three room apartment).
But this was still too much for the poorest of the poor. Those
on relief during the Depression only received about $13 per month
for rent. Furthermore, First Houses had an elaborate screening
process which shut out those in real trouble. Tenants had to have
insurance policies, at least $100 in the bank, and membership
in a fraternal society. First Houses was followed by other public
housing projects sponsored by both NYCHA and the Federal Government,
but they rarely were able to house New York's poorest.
In addition to his public housing efforts, LaGuardia demanded
that all landlords bring their housing up to current standards
by January 1937. In two years, 10,000 decrepit tenements were
boarded up, removing 40,000 rental units from the market. It was
in this atmosphere of abandoning tenements, that 97 Orchard was
boarded up rather than upgraded by the owner. Some landlords did
upgrade their buildings, but then they raised their rents as well,
effectively removing another 30,000 units from the low-rent market.
Public housing was supposed to compensate for this loss. New York
captured one fourth of the total PWA housing allocation and embarked
on numerous projects with its own and federal funds. But despite
these efforts, only about 2,000 families on the Lower East Side
lived in decent public housing by 1941. Meanwhile, the number
of vacant lots had more than tripled in the neighborhood and rents
had actually increased since slum clearance had begun. Ultimately,
both LaGuardia and Roosevelt were less interested in providing
decent housing for the poor, or had less faith in the possibilities
of public housing, than in putting people back to work with federal
funds.
From their inception, the processes of slum clearance and urban
renewal did not proceed at an orderly, even pace, but took place
gradually as federal and municipal authorities assembled a series
of conjoining sites through eminent domain and condemnation. Once
a declining section of the neighborhood was slated for destruction
and renewal, already poor housing conditions deteriorated further
and faster. Before condemned buildings were demolished, absentee
landlords cut back on maintenance in order to maximize rental
income from their soon-to-be torn down buildings. Initially, at
least, the result was not block-long stretches of boarded-up,
vacant buildings, but populated tenements interspersed with already
condemned residences. Once the authorities had condemned all of
the buildings in a given area and evicted all of the residents,
then demolition and construction was supposed to proceed on a
predetermined schedule, a process that usually took years, sometimes
a decade, to complete. However, because of bureaucratic inefficiency,
political recalcitrance, and lack of adequate funding, areas slated
for renewal often lay vacant for years before anything was built.
As a study of slum clearance in Brownsville, Brooklyn observed,
"Block after block has been left vacant, forming a wasteland
of gutted carcasses of buildings and rat filled rubble."
In the case of the earliest slum clearance project, the demolition
of Mulberry Bend, although the city had gained the power to do
so, reformers, government officials, and property owners were
engaged in a heated debate over the legitimacy of taking private
property for public uses, in this case the creation of a small
park. Battles with local property owners over the value of their
lots also complicated the process. When the city took possession
of the properties of Mulberry Bend in 1894, actual demolition
was delayed due to lack of funds. In the interim, the city became
a slumlord, collecting thousands of dollars in rent from the inhabitants
of these condemned tenements. But even after the buildings were
destroyed, the muddy lot remained vacant for another year until
considerable pressure from Jacob Riis helped transform the space
into a park, which opened in 1897.
During the 1930s, slum clearance and urban renewal programs on
the Lower East Side as elsewhere did not seek to destroy and replace
the neighborhood's housing stock in its entirety. Indeed, the
idea that the government could legitimately confiscate private
property and build housing was only just beginning to gain serious
currency. Although pioneered in New York City, very few urban
renewal projects were actually completed on the Lower East Side
in this era. In addition, the first public housing complex in
the nation, First Houses, completed in 1936 on the Lower East
Side, was comprised of rehabilitated tenements rather than new
housing.
The choice of which areas to "renew" seems to have been
the result of a complicated calculus that involved, among other
things, political and financial equations. Most often, the most
seriously deteriorated areas of the neighborhood would be considered
first. But what appears to have proven a deciding factor was the
ability of the municipal authorities to feasibly assemble a large
enough swath of properties for demolition and construction of
public housing, taking care not interfere with established traffic
arteries. On the Lower East Side, these areas tended to be in
the eastern and southern portions of the neighborhood, close to
the waterfront.
Then owner of 97 Orchard Street probably kept his building because
the city did not want it. 97 Orchard Street likely did not fall
within an area of the neighborhood designated for slum clearance
either because not enough buildings could be condemned according
to existing law or because the buildings proved prohibitively
expensive to take by eminent domain.
Thomas Kessner, Fiorello
H. La Guardia and the making of modern New York (New York,
1989); Suzanne R. Wasserman, "The Good Old Days of Poverty:
The Battle Over the Fate of New York City's Lower East Side during
the depression" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1990).
See also: Lower
East Side; Depression
of 1893,, Panic of 1873, Rent,
Wages, and the cost of living 1930s; Housing/Public Housing.
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