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Garment Industry
Contents
History > Composition
of the Garment Industry > Dressmaking
> Dressmaking in the 1870s > Women's
Fashions in the 1890s > Department Stores and Changing Fashion
> Garment Industry in NYC Today
> Garment Labeling > Sweatshops
> Triangle Shirtwaist Factory > Sewing
Machine
Sweatshops
History
History In 1888, New York state factory inspectors provided the
following description of sweat-shops: "In New York city, in the
tenement house districts where clothing is manufactured, there
exists a system of labor which is nearly akin to slavery as it
is possible to get. The work is done under the eyes of task-masters,
who rent a small room or two in the rear part of an upper floor
of a high building, put in a few sewing machines, a stove suitable
for heating irons, and then hire a number of men and women to
work for them." Explicit in the inspectors' definition of a sweatshop
is the exploitation of garment workers by contractors, who forced
their workers to labor for long hours only to be paid insufficient
wages. In addition to physically sweating as a result of their
toil, workers were also "sweated" in the same manner an animal
would be milked or bled.
By the 1880s, for the most part, seamstresses no longer negotiated
work on an individual basis but were subsumed into a system of
contracting. Contractors received components of garments that
they in turn assembled according to designs. These finished products
were returned to the manufacturers and marketed under the company's
label. As a result, manufacturers distanced themselves from the
hiring and equipping of a labor force, which became the responsibility
of the contractor. Manufacturers paid a set price for each finished
garment they received from the contractor, which was considerably
lower then they would then charge retail. Consequently, contractors,
in order to make any profit, forced longer hours and lower wages
on their workers.
Contractors, more often than not, exploited fellow immigrants
from Eastern and Southern Europe by using social networks and
common dialects to hire their labor force. In many instances,
a sweatshop would be staffed by workers who all came to America
from the same hometown in Europe. The exploitation of the contractor,
in his own mind, was justified by the fact that he himself felt
exploited by the manufacturers. Furthermore, many new immigrants
were willing to take any job offered to them at all, particularly
during the economic hardships of the 1890s (See Depression of
1893). The line that contractors straddled between being helpful
employers and ruthless exploiter to their fellow countrymen was
indeed thin, and varied from shop to shop.
Because the equipment necessary for making garments was not cumbersome,
most contractors based their sweatshops out of the tenement apartments
in which they lived with their family. Within the Lower East Side,
there was no pattern as to where one would find a garment sweatshop.
Research shows that in one year shops were in existence in tenements
along Delancey, Sheriff, Division, Hester, Essex, Ridge, Cherry,
Ludlow, Monroe, Mulberry, Mott, Baxter, Pitt, Rivington, Suffolk,
Norfolk, Canal, Henry, Cannon, Stanton, East Houston, Attorney,
Allen, Eldridge, Bayard, Chrystie, Orchard (No. 180, in addition
to 97), Willett, Jefferson, Columbia, Clinton and Madison streets.
The shop was run as a family affair. The wife of the contractor
would help out by cooking meals (for which the workers had to
pay) and attending to other tasks. Everything in the shop served
both a domestic and business purpose. Stoves used to heat irons
were also used to cook meals. The average sweatshop employed anywhere
from four to 30 employees.
In 1904, the opening of the New York City subway system and other
transportation networks allowed the garment industry to move uptown,
and to consolidate workers in more factories. Although sweatshops
in tenements remained, factories, such as the infamous Triangle
Shirtwaist Factory (see Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire) provided
more consistent employment.
The Evolution of a
Garment - How the Sweatshop System Worked
Although certain retailers employed "inside" shops, which eliminated
contractors and paid sewing machine operators and other workers
at a piece-rate to work directly for them, most retailers relied
on the system of using "outside" shops organized by contractors.
Typically, a designer, either independent or working for a retailer,
would design a garment based on the latest fashions (particularly
within the women's clothing industry). Cotton, harvested by underpaid
sharecroppers (usually freed African-American slaves and poor
Southern whites, who lived in a type of veritable slavery where
wages and rent were always manipulated to keep them in debt) was
shipped to the giant textile mills of New England and the mid-Atlantic.
Textile workers, often poor, underpaid immigrants working their
own long hours, converted the fiber into fabric.
Retailers purchased the fabric from the mills, and redistributed
the material to a cutting contractor, who would be paid a piece-rate
to cut the material into the garment design. Upon receiving the
cut designs, the retailer would re-contract the material, this
time to a sewing contractor (i.e. Harris Levine). Often the system
of contracting was highly diversified with each sweatshop performing
a specialized task. A single clothing firm might employ as many
as 75 different contractors to work on their clothing line.
Roles within the Tenement
Sweatshop
- Sewing Machine Operator - Might have experience working as
a tailor in Europe, almost always a man. Often the operator was
the contractor himself, who employed the workers in the sweatshop.
- Baster - Prepared the garments for the operator by fitting the
pieces together.
- Finisher - Responsible for adding the finishing touches to the
garment by hand; mostly women in teens and early 20s. Because
the finisher was often the only woman in the sweatshop, she might
suffer sexual harassment from her male co-workers. As a result,
many preferred to work with predominantly women workforces in
factories or to get married and leave the shop.
- Presser - Always a male as he had to lift the heavy irons, which
weighed up to 20 pounds. Usually an elderly male. First person
accounts from workers in the sweatshops cite that many of the
pressers were Orthodox Jews.
(Most shops would also employ workers at an
apprentice status who would perform miscellaneous tasks such as
hauling coal, sweeping the shop, and carrying finished goods to
the manufacturer.)
Seasonality in the
Garment Industry
Generally the garment industry responded to the seasonality of the
fashion industry, in which there was a "high" and a "slack" season.
(Researchers for the sourcebook were unable to determine whether
the seasons of the garment industry adhered to the actual calendar
months, or followed only the trends of supply and demand.) During
the high season contractors forced workers to labor for even longer
hours than usual, in order to meet the demand that had been created
by the issue of the latest fashion. During the slack season, sweatshop
workers would find themselves jobless or sitting around idle, unable
to earn wages because a lack of pieces that they could complete.
Contemporary Sweatshops
There is a popular misconception that sweatshops no longer operate
in the United States, and exist only as a problem in "developing"
nations that lack unions and other fair practice labor laws. This
is in fact false. In 2000, it was estimated that there were 93,000
workers in the New York City garment industry. Of the shops that
employed these workers, approximately 60% (7,000-7,500 shops) could
be deemed sweatshops in the sense that their operators abused and
disregarded laws designed to ensure that workers were treated decently.
Even as the 21st century begins, the Lower East Side and adjoining
Chinatown remain intricately tied to the garment industry. Along
with the Sunset Park area of Brooklyn, many garment shops in Chinatown
still work on the system of contracting. Presently, Chinese workers
constitute the largest portion of immigrants working in both legal
and illegal garment shops, although they are joined by other recent
immigrants from the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Vietnam and
myriad other nations.
Many of the same issues persist. Contractors continue to be recent
immigrants themselves and seem to "aid" fellow immigrants by providing
a job where they need not speak English, can bring their children
to the factory (often to work in violation of child labor laws),
and receive payments in cash so as to avoid taxation and possible
detection by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). Like
their historical counterparts, the contractors still sweat their
workers as well. The continued use of the piece-rate system, where
workers are paid for each garment produced rather than at a standard
hourly rate, ensures that garment workers in sweatshops earn well
under the federally mandated minimum wage rate. Chinese sewing machine
operators working in Chinatown and Sunset Park often worke anywhere
from 60 to 100 (!) hours a week, despite earning only $150 to $400
per week. Furthermore, workers' wages are often withheld for weeks
at a time or altogether, if the contractor decides to abandon his
shop and move elsewhere.
The influx of numerous illegal immigrants along with immigrants
who came to the United States through legal means, further complicates
the situation. Illegal immigrants, who are often coerced into paying
for their journey on credit, work long hours for clandestine operations.
They are worked even more harshly as bosses realize they are unlikely
to form unions or level any type of complaints, since many possess
deeply rooted fears of attracting the attention of the INS. Consequently,
legal immigrants are forced to compete and match the output of illegal
immigrants in order to stay employed.
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